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Biden, Warnock and Ossoff each racked up margins of more than 200,000 votes there, just enough of a cushion to prevail statewide. Republicans don’t need to win it to prevail in statewide contests, they just need to keep it close. “It’s like death by 1,000 paper cuts,” Jordan said. “These rules around the margins can make a big difference.” The specifics of SB 202 mean that the GOP can’t place the county under control of a friendly supervisor forever, but Republicans could have a hand-picked ally in charge to oversee next year’s statewide elections. Jordan, meanwhile, worries that if Republicans succeed in Fulton, they will try to replicate the takeover process in Cobb, Gwinnett and other suburban Atlanta counties that have produced the biggest shifts toward Democrats in recent elections. A presumed rematch between Kemp and Abrams will be the heavyweight battle of 2022, but the secretary of state contest may be just as important. Ahead of the 2024 presidential contest, Republicans don’t just want to keep Abrams out of office; they’d also like to keep hold of the state’s top election office. The newest Republican candidate in that race, Rep. Jody Hice, is a Trump devotee who called the election challenge that generated the U.S. Capitol insurrection a “ 1776 moment ” and twice voted to overturn the results of the 2020 election. Hice’s stated reason for challenging Raffensperger, who is seeking reelection even as Republicans continue to villainize him, offers clues as to how he might approach a job running elections, especially if Trump is on the ballot again: In July, Hice told Fox News that Raffensperger’s refusal to accede to Trump’s demands had “ compromised ” the integrity of Georgia’s elections. On Aug. 28, the 58th anniversary of Martin Luther King Jr.’s March on Washington, more than 1,000 Georgians gathered outside the church he once led on Auburn Avenue in Atlanta to protest Republican efforts to restrict voting rights . King founded the Southern Christian Leadership Conference on the same block in 1957, a year in which the Georgia General Assembly approved a resolution that called on Congress to invalidate the 14th and 15th Amendments to the U.S. Constitution, which granted citizenship and “equal protection” to former slaves and the right to vote to Black men. Six years later, King’s march and his “I Have a Dream” speech helped pave the way for the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965. A larger march took place in Washington this year, too, but U.S. Rep. Nikema Williams (D) chose to stay home for Atlanta’s, where crowds were smaller than expected amid the latest surge in COVID-19 infections. Last year, Williams won the Atlanta congressional seat that Democratic Rep. John Lewis, who helped King organize the March on Washington, held for more than 30 years until his death in 2020.
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Photograph: Elijah Nouvelage/Reuters Brad Raffensperger speaks during a news conference on election results in Atlanta, Georgia, 2 December 2020. Photograph: Elijah Nouvelage/Reuters Last modified on Sat 25 Sep 2021 02.02 EDT The top election official in Georgia, a Republican, said Donald Trump unequivocally lost the state in 2020, a day before a rally there on Saturday night at whih Trump is set to repeat baseless accusations of voter fraud. On the eve of the rally in Perry, Brad Raffensperger told the Washington Examiner: “He’s going to come, and he’s going to say what he’s going to say, but he knows in his heart that he lost.” Last January, the Georgia secretary of state resisted pressure from Trump to “ find 11,780 votes ” and thereby overturn Joe Biden’s win in the state. The phone call in which Trump made that demand is at the heart of an investigation in Fulton county. On Friday, a Brookings Institution report said Trump faces “substantial risk of possible state charges predicated on multiple crimes”. Regardless, the former president will travel to Georgia on Saturday for a rally in part to support Herschel Walker, a controversial former NFL running back running to challenge the Democratic senator Raphael Warnock in midterm elections next year. Warnock and another Democrat, Jonathan Ossoff, won Georgia’s two Senate seats in runoffs in January. Observers on both sides of the aisle said Trump’s claims of electoral fraud depressed Republican turnout. Final results in the runoffs were confirmed on 6 January, the day Trump supporters he told to “fight like hell” stormed the US Capitol in an attempt to overturn his defeat. Raffensperger has since received death threats and attracted a Trump-backed challenger . He also presided over a new state voting law widely seen as aimed at depressing turnout in communities likely to vote Democratic. Nonetheless, he remains ranged against Trump’s lie that Biden won the presidency illegally. “He’s continued to promote the big lie,” Raffensperger told the Examiner, “and then he’s also fundraising off this issue, just like Stacey Abrams has.” Abrams is a Democratic former state representative who ran for governor against the Republican Brian Kemp in 2018, losing a closely contested race and protesting that Kemp, then secretary of state, oversaw voter suppression. She has since campaigned widely for voting rights and voter registration, efforts widely credited with helping to elect Ossoff, Warnock and Biden. “Every time we’ve looked into all of these concerns, it’s clear that Donald Trump lost the election fair and square,” Raffensperger said. “What bothers me, and it really should bother everyone, after 10 months since the last ballots were counted, we’re still dealing with this misinformation and disinformation surrounding the elections.” Trump is happy to stoke such misinformation and disinformation, this week gaining new election audits in Texas even as a partisan audit in Arizona ended with no proof of fraud and more votes for Biden .
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It has fallen to others, principally France’s president, Emmanuel Macron, to make the case for Europe to do more. Which German candidate, though, could do better than Mrs Merkel? The polls suggest that Germany is set for a messy new parliament, with no single party, or even two, able to form a government. Instead, some sort of ideologically incoherent three-way coalition is on the cards—one that, by combining high-spending greens and pro-business liberals, may struggle to agree on anything ambitious. This is another symptom of Merkelian complacency. Comfortable, cautious Germans seem uninterested in serious debate about the future. Crisis-management has become a substitute for initiative. Candidates have no incentive to highlight their country’s looming problems. The result has been one of the least substantive campaigns for decades: all about the horse-race and not about the issues. Of the possible outcomes , two seem most likely. One is a coalition headed by Mrs Merkel’s party, the Christian Democrats and their Bavarian sister-party (the ), led by Armin sneak a peek at these guys Laschet.
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